INTRODUCTION

The history of Christianity in Malabar has been well documented after the synod of Diamper. Much information giving light into the ancient period is available as copper plates, inscriptions on rocks, palm leaf documents, artefacts, and oral traditions. Many authors have tried to knit up the loose history from available documents and available oral traditions.

DIVISION OF ST THOMAS CHRISTIANS

Until the time of the synod of Diamper, there was no evidence available to suggest any divisions among the Syrian Christians. After the Synod of Diamper (AD 1599) – the Coonan Cross Oath ( AD 1653 )- prompted the division of the community and both parties claimed over different churches. After the Coonan Cross Oath, the whole Nasrani community was divided into two groups, one continued to be loyal to the Roman Catholic Church keeping the East Syriac liturgy and traditions, called the “old party” or “Pazhayacoor” and the other under the Archdeacon known as new party or “Puthencoor”. Both were using the same liturgy and traditions for some time, but later, the Puthencoor moved towards the Church of Antioch and adopted the West Syriac liturgy and traditions and thus made the name “Puthencoor” appropriate.

As the community was divided, the churches were also divided among them into two groups. There were a third group of churches which remained to be shared between these two communities.

At the time of the Coonan Cross Oath, vast majority of people and churches remained loyal to the Arch Deacon. There are different accounts. “Out of the assumed 200,000 population, only 400 remained loyal to the Portuguese”.^[1]

Joseph Thekkedathu reports that “some of them speak of 200 laymen and 15-25 Cathanaars. Others say that there were about 1000 laymen and 15 Cathanaars. In any case, it is clear that they were but an insignificant minority” ^[2]

After the Coonan Cross oath, the Arch deacon was consecrated as a Metropolitan by twelve Cathanaars at Alangadu on 22 May, 1653. The available historical evidences show that this revolt was against Arch Bishop Garcia and the Portuguese authorities and not against the Roman Church or Pope of Rome.This is evident from the available documents regarding the declarations on the occasion and a letter sent to the Portuguese captain at Cochin. ^[3]

Angamali Padiyola in 1787 reads “upon this, our forefathers assembled at Muttancherry and took an oath that neither they themselves nor their descendants, should ever have anything to do with the Paulists.”^[4]

A Church Mission Society report for 1818-19 states-“After this, all the Syrians assembled at Muttancherry, and thus resolved-These Portuguese having murdered Mar Ignatius, we will no longer join them. We renounce them, and do not want either love or their favour. The present Francis Bishop shall not be our Governor.We are not his children or followers. We will not again acknowledge Portuguese bishops”.^[5]

The whole St Thomas Christians were in communion with the Pope of Rome through the Chaldean catholic church after the division in the Church of the East in 1552 and with the arrival of Mar Joseph Sulaqa and Mar Elias in 1555. Since the arrival of Portuguese in 1498, the St Thomas Christians were in friendship with them and they were allowed to preach and celebrate mass in the Nasrani churches.Even the Portuguese missionaries established a seminary to train the St Thomas Chrisitians at Kodungalloor in 1541. It has to be noted that two Cathanaars of the St Thomas Christians travelled to Portugal with Portuguese General Cabral and one of them- “Joseph the Indian” as described in the literature visited the Pope Alexander VI.  Joseph the Indian was interviewed by some Venicians who published it European languages. ^[6]

This Joseph The Indian was among the delegation to visit the East Syriac Patriarch Simon  in AD 1490 who ordained both of them- Joseph and George- as Priests. ^[7]

The East Syrian prelates at that time were also friendly with the Portuguese. This is evident from the letters of Mar Jabalaha, Mar Denha and Mar Yakob to the Patriarch of Babylon in 1504. ^[8]

Because of this background, the Arch Deacon and the leaders claimed the mandate of the Pope of Rome for his consecration as a Bishop. The letters read at the time of consecration claimed that it was according to the authority given by the Pope to Mar Ahattalla. When Mar Gregoriose, the Metropolitan from the Church of Antioch arrived, he was also projected as a Bishop appointed by the Pope.^[9]

EFFORTS OF RECONCILIATION

This revolt shook the might of the missionaries, and the Portuguese inquisition team tried to reconcile. Their attempts failed as the Arch Deacon and the leadership were not interested in any negotiations. The Portuguese authorities referred the issue to Rome.

As the Portuguese could successfully convince some of the leaders of St Thomas Christians that this consecration was not legitimate, a section of St Thomas Christians were unhappy about the situation. Two of the 4 advisories of the Arch deacon, Palli veettil Chandy Cathanaar and Kadavil Chandy Cathanaar were among them.

Rome intervened and sent two sets of Carmelite Missionaries to the St Thomas Christians in two routes under the leadership of Fr Joseph Maria (arrived Malabar by AD 1657) and Fr Vincent of Hyacinth, (arrived Malabar by AD 1658).

When it was clear that the Consecration of the Arch Deacon was not legitimate, and the Arch Deacon did not have the mandate of the Pope, many people renounced the Arch deacon. Joseph Maria returned to Rome and got consecrated as a Bishop for St Thomas Christians as Joseph Sebastiani 1659.

Now, St Thomas Christians became freed from the Jesuits and the Arch Bishop Garcia and they have a new Bishop who is not a Jesuit but a Carmelite. This was what the Arch deacon demanded soon after the Coonan Cross oath.^[10]

Within a year, Sebastiani could win 40 churches and by 1663, 84 churches were under Roman obedience and only 32 remained with the Arch deacon.^[11]

Later, Political situation became hostile for the Catholic side as Dutch captured Cochin in 1663 and Sebastiani had to leave. He consecrated Palliveettil Chandy Cathanaar as a Bishop for the St Thomas Christians and Vicar Apostolic of the Arch Diocese of Angamali on 1 February 1663.

This made two rival factions with native leaders, Palliveettil Chandy Cathanaar with a legitimate Bishopric consecration and Mar Thoma I without a legitimate Bishopric consecration which made it easy for Palliveettil Chandy Metran to win more people.

Another factor for the success of the missionaries was the political tactics by the Portuguese by taking the local Rajahs on their sides to make them compel the Christians to submit to the Catholic fold. Fr Hyacinth could expel the Arch Deacon from Kaduthuruthy with the help of the king of Vadakkumkoor and banned fromentering the Kingdom of Cochin. ^[12]

With the help of the Portuguese General, Ignatius Sermento, Sebastiani obtained the submission of several churches in the Kingdom of Cochin.^[13]

Churches at Champakulam and Kudamalur under the King of Purakkad stayed with the Arch Deacon until 1659 when the King of Purakkad ordered them to join the Pazhayacoor. ^[14]

James Hough in his book describes how cold the reception to Carmelite Bishop Joseph Sebastiani at Champakulam on 25 Aug 1661 even when the Rajah of Purakkad sent an Officer to the occasion to compel people. ^[15]

At this point, the Arch Deacon’s position became very critical and he decided to negotiate with the Jesuits in 1655. He sent a Cathanaar to the rector of the Jesuit seminary at Ambalakkadu with the message that he wished to make his submission to the Catholic Church provided it could be effected without loss of honour and without humiliation. ^[16]

Further negotiations continued and it was thought that the division among St Thomas Christians was going to end but all changed on arrival of Mar Gregorios from the Church of Antioch in 1665. Mar Gregorios was also received by the Arch Deacon as a Metropolitan sent by the Pope. But Cathanaars and people under the Arch deacon became unhappy on the new way of celebration of Qurbana by the new Bishop Mar Gregorios. Mar Thoma I persuaded him to use the local rite, which he did refusing only to use unleavened bread. ^[17]

This unhappiness also might have helped the catholic side.

CATALOGUE OF ANCIENT CHURCHES

Some authors have tried to catalogue the ancient Nasrani churches in the past. There is documentation available about the churches at the time of the synod of Diamper. Various authors and authorities have catalogued the churches viz. Menesis 1599, Raulini 1745, Du Perron 1758, Paoli 1760, Whitehouse 1873.White house, in his book, interestingly reviewed the available literature at his time and published a comparison table in his book Lingerings of light in the dark land which is very helpful to identify the places as the names of different places are pronounced differently by different authors and some place names have changed over time.

CHURCHES AT THE TIME OF SYNOD OF DIAMPER

This is a list of Christian churches/ congregations present at the time of the Synod of Diamper.The list was compiled by Mr P J Tomy as an appendix to his article Kerala Coast, the Portuguese contributions. This contains both Syrian and Latin churches. This list was compiled on the basis of Antoneo de Gouvea’s book “Jornada do Arcebispo de Goa Dom Frei Alexio de menezes Primaz da India Orientali, Religiosoda Ordem de S. Agostinho. Quando foy as Serras do malavar, & lugaresem que moralo os antigos Chrisaos de S. Thomae & os tirou de muytos erros & obdeiencia da Santa Igreja Romana, da qual passava de mil annos que estavo & reduzio a nossa Sancta Fe Catholica & obediencia da Santa Igreja Romana, da qual passava de mil annosqhe estavao apartados” and its quotations in books by Bernard TOCD, Placid Podipara, D Jessole, and Bishop Arattukulam.^[18]

Indistinct locations

The following churches are labelled as Latin rite in the list  according to Placid Podipara.^[19]

Varapuzha, Chetwa (Citna by Rantin) Thiruvanathapuram, Pallipuram (Baleport), Chathiathu, Vendurathi, Mattancherry,Dumina NS de salute (Saudi), Manasserry, (St.Luis-Raulin) Mundanveli,Edacochin (Castella-Raulin) S. Andre (Arthunkal-Raulin- with two chapels)

In addition to the above the following churches were also Latin rite according to Bernard TOCD. Kannur, Kozhikode,Kodungallor (two churches) ,Chattukulangara, Kundara, Manongats, Thevalakkara.^[20]

It looks like this list contains many duplications as many places are pronounced differently in different books and time periods and many different pronunciations are listed as different churches. Some of the affiliations are also not correct.

CHURCHES AND THEIR AFFILIATIONS AFTER THE COONAN CROSS OATH.- CATALOGUE OF THOMAS WHITEHOUSE

Thomas Whitehouse has compared the churches according to the local kingdoms, their affiliation to Jacobite Syrian, Catholic Syrian and mixed according to four different authors which make it very helpful to compare and identify the places easily.^[21]

It seems that the affiliation and region were compiled by Du Perron as on 1758. It seems that some of the places are not keeping with the regions and some of the affiliation is wrong.

Kingdom of Cochin -

Kingdom of the Samorin

Kingdom of Paru, NE of Cochin

Kingdom of Bellouta Tavagi ( Angamali)

Kingdom of Mangate or Karta Tavagi

Klanganour Sorousan, NW of Cochin

Barekangour(Wadakkencore) SE & SSE of Cochin

Tekengour ( Thekkencore) SW of Cochin

Porca Shembanasheri Sourouvam ( porcada)

Alikoulam Scherravi, and other tavagis and nambouris

Koulan (Quilon)

Ancient Travancore

POPULATION STATISTICS

We have already seen that at the time of the Coonan Cross oath, vast majority of St Thomas Christians were with the Archdeacon. But, due to the following factors, majority of them returned to the catholic fold-

1. The revolt was not against Pope or Catholic Church. The replacement of Jesuits with Carmelites who got the recommendation earlier from Archdeacon
2. The Claims of Archdeacon and Party having the mandate of Pope was proved wrong by Carmelite missionaries
3. Political tactics of the Portuguese by winning the local Kings in favour of them. This was evident in the kingdoms of Vadakkumkoor, Purakkadu and Cochin.
4. Change in the Political scene as the Dutch captured Cochin. The Portuguese were in a troubled time with increasing attacks from Dutch during the entire period. So, they were willing to yield much for reconciliation which was seen in their attitude.
5. At one point, Palliveettil Chandy Metran had legitimate Bishopric consecration while Mar Thoma I was still waiting for a legitimate Bishopric consecration.
6. Previous relation to the Catholic church and Pope via the Chaldean Bishops at the last part of the Babylonian connection and about 100 years of communion of which the last fifty years under Portuguese Padraodo bishops.
7. There was no permanent division till 1665. Only after the arrival of Mar Gregorious, the permanent division happened in the community.

Whitehouse reviews the available data of population statistics by different authors as he comments “some strangely exaggerated statements as to the numerical strengths of the Syrians in former times having found their way into print, and being repeated by one writer after another, some remarks on the subject of statistics are called for”. He continues,^[22]

The oldest well authenticated report about the population statistics of Syriac Christians are seen in the letters of four East Syriac Bishops to their Patriarch Elias  in 1504-“There are here about thirty thousand Christian families holding the same faith as ourselves, and they pray to the Lord that we may be preserved unhurt.”

Roulini enlists the churches of the Christians of St Thomas as 113 out of a total of 128.Of these 113, he calls 30 as schismatics –as Jacobite Syrians and the rest 83 as Catholic Syrians.^[23]

Du Perron enlists 31 Jacobite Syrian, 57 Catholic Syrians and 20 mixed. (1758).

Paoli, a Carmelite missionary, lists 118 churches of which 83 were loyal to Rome and 35 independent of Rome.

Mar Gabriel to Visscher, the Dutch Captain- that of the original 64 churches of the diocese, the Syrians had 44 and the Carmelites 20. Whitehouse comments that “he under rated the numerical strength of the Romo Syrian party, but probably had in his mind only the old churches over which his predecessors exercised jurisdiction.” Here, we need to find out what did he mean by Syrians. Mar Gabriel was a Nestorian Bishop who came to Malabar in 1708.When he arrived, a large number of Catholic Syrian and Jacobite Syrian parishes joined him thus creating a middle party under him. All of them returned to their former affiliations after his death. He might have mentioned the number of churches accepting him compared to those of Carmelites.^[24]

Stephen Neill says in “History of Christianity in India”.

“Attempts to calculate the number of St Thomas Christians and their parishes which adhered to the rival bishops cannot be more than tentative since our authorities contradict one another at every point……………When all factors have been taken into consideration, the figure of two thirds to Chandy and one third to Thomas may be regarded as acceptable. But it seems that the larger churches and those nearer to the main centres of civilisation adhered to Chandy; strong support for Thomas lay in the remote areas, and among those less influenced by the contacts with the west.” ^[25]

Richard Collins observes that the number of Jacobite Syrians and Catholic Syrians are almost equal. ^[26]

Thomas Yates in his book  Indian Church History, quotes  Fr Paulino (Paoli) who was in Kerala between 1776 and 1789 that according to Bishop Florentines Jesu, of Malabar Vicariate who died in 1773, there were 94000 St Thomas Christians and when the poll tax was in contemplation in Travancore in the year 1787, they were numbered at 100, 000. During the war against Tippoo, 10000 of them lost their lives but still there remains 90,000 Christians following Syro Chaldean rituals. They have in their possession 64 churches, some of them however, were destroyed by Tippoo.The Jacobites have 32 churches, to which belong 50,000. These therefore form altogether 140,000 Christians who adhere to the Syro chaldaic rites.

Thomas Yates also quotes Rev Dr Kerr, (dated Madras 1806) that Jacobite Syrians have 55 churches, and the number of their people as given to the resident of Travancore is 23,000. The Catholic Syrians’ numbers, Yates comments, “it is conjectured, are under rated in the statement given in to the resident”, as it is generally supposed, that they may be estimated at 70 or 80 thousand.

Dr. Kerr continues about Catholic Syrians as quoted by Yates-The Syrian Roman Catholics, were constrained to join the Latin church after a long struggle for the power, of maintaining their purity and independence, are still appear a people perfectly distinct from Latin church, being allowed to chant and perform all the services….They are said to have 86 parishes and are numbered 90,000. ^[27]

G T Mackenzie, in his book Christianity in Travancore in 1901 observes that the bulk of Syrian Christians in Travancore are Syrian Roman Catholics-“these Syrian Christians are found in central and north Travancore, in the Cochin state and the Malabar district of British India. There are none in south Travancore. The bulk of them are Roman Catholics but nevertheless follow their own Syriac rite. Others adhere to the Jacobite patriarch of Antioch. The remainder approach the protestant standards of doctrine and ritual and are usually called as reformed Syrians, although they themselves dislike that term and call themselves, Christians of St Thomas.”^[28]

George Milne Rae observes in his book The Syrian Church of India 1892 that “it is not possible from the census reports as exact classification. The number of Jacobite Syrians may be taken as approximately 330, 000 and the number of Romo Syrians as 110,000.The number of protestant Syrians are comparatively small. ^[29]

His numbers are not keeping with other authors. He is not providing any references and admits that there are no available census reports. It may be that he was talking about a region in Kerala like Travancore alone.Cardinal Tisserant gives the figure of 1876 for Catholics. The total numbers of Syro Malabar faithful were estimated at 200,000. There were 420 priests, 215 Churches and Chapels, 125 seminarians and 6 houses of the Syrian Carmelites. ^[30]

CONCLUSION

The Syriac churches are further divided and now comprise 7 different branches. They follow basically two different Syriac traditions, the ancient East Syriac and the newly introduced West Syriac traditions. Because of multiple splits and litigations, it is very difficult to estimate an exact population statistics now. There are no available data published from the non Catholic groups where as for Catholic groups, such data is available. The approximate current statistics can be read in demography article.

The different branches of the St Thomas Christians are as follows.

EAST  SYRIAC TRADITION

Syro Malabar   Catholic Church                      Catholic Communion

Chaldean Church of Trichur                           Church of the East

WEST SYRIAC TRADITION

Malankara Orthodox Syriac Church               Autocephalous

Malankara Jacobite Syriac Church                  Church of Antioch

Thozhiyoor Independent Syriac Church         Autocephalous

Syro Malankara Catholic Church                    Catholic Communion

Mar Thoma Syrian Church                            Protestant reformation

It has to be remembered that some of the Catholic Syriac group ended up in Latin Church also. They are mainly the families of those Priests ordained by Arch bishop Menesis who were not accepted by the St Thomas Christian community and those who did not participate in Coonan cross oath.

Pictures-

1] St Hormiz Church, Angamaly Constructed by Mar Abraham, the last Chaldean Prelate who ruled the undivided St Thomas Christians as his headquarters. Picture by Thomas Antony
2] Saint Thomas Christians East and West Syriac tradition  illustration by Thomas Antony.

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Author M Thomas Antony can be reached by email at – m dot Thomas dot antony at live.co.uk.
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NSC NETWORK Article Footnotes

1. G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore, 1901, p27 [↩]
2. Joseph Thekkedathu, The troubled days of Garcia, quoted in The History of Christianity in India p94 [↩]
3. -Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Rome ( Jesuite Archives) Vol 68(1) f 102 f 225 Garcia’s letter to Fr Hyacinth of St Vincent, Vol 68 (2) ff 451-2, Historical Archives of Goa Livro das MongcesVol 25 f 130, all quoted by Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India, p93

   -Historical Archives of Goa, Livro das Mongces Vol 25 f 121 quoted by Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity In India p94 [↩]

4. A document signed by all the church people of Malankara beginning with Ankamale who were assembled at the large church of Angamale on the first of February (old reckoning) in the year of our Lord 1787, in reference to the increase of true faith, and with regard to the bringing about a real union in our church, and a walk according to the manners and customs of our forefathers quoted by Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of light— Appendix E

   -(The Padiyola is available online- http://www.smcim.org/angamaly/history.htm ) [↩]

5. Abstract of a brief history of Syrians in Malabar, preserved among themselves as genuine history, Church missionary society report for 1818-19 , page 317, quoted by Thomas Whitehouse in Lingering of light—Appendix D [↩]
6. – India in 1500 AD, Fr Antony Vallavanthara, quoted in Changanasseerry Athiroopatha innale innu vol I p 36

   - G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore, 1901 p 12(Mackenzie reports that Guuvea p5 says that it is in Latin and appended to Fasciculus Temporum). An Italian version appeared at Vicenza in 1507 called Paesi novamente retrovati. It is cited also as Novus Orbis or as The Travels of Joseph the Indian. [↩]

7. East Syrian Mission to Asia with Special Reference to Malabar Coast from Sixth Century to Sixteenth Century AD and its Influence on Indian Religion Society and Culture by Elias TP, 2005 Doctoral Thesis to Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala Guided by Fr Baby Varghese, SEERI, Kottayam [↩]
8. - Schurhammer, The Malabar church, pp 5-7 quoted in Changanacherry athiroopatha innale innu vol I p 38

   - G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore (1901) pp11-12 [↩]

9. Joseph Thekkedathu, The Troubled days of Arch Bishop Garcia. quoted in History of Christianity In India p 94 [↩]
10. Historical Archives of Goa, Livro das Mongces Vol 25 f 121 quoted by Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity In India p 94. [↩]
11. G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore (1901) p 30. Quoting Paul of Bartholomew, India Orientalis Christiania [↩]
12. Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India, p99 quoting from his book The troubled days of Arch bishop Garcia [↩]
13. Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity In India p 99 [↩]
14. Joseph Thekkedathu, The troubled days of Francis Garcia SJ, PP 143-44 quoted in Changanasserry athiroopatha, innale innu, vol II p 266 [↩]
15. Christianity in India Book 4 P359 James Hough [↩]
16. Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India p 100. [↩]
17. – LW Browne, Indian Christians of St Thomas page 111 quoted by Joseph Thekkedathu, History of Christianity in India.p 101,

    -Stephen Neill, History of Christianity in India [↩]

18. P J Tomy, Rtd Asso. Professor, Kerala Agricultural University, Kerala Coast, the Portuguese contributions (http://www.keralacoastfate.com/portugese.pdf [↩]
19. Historia Ecclesia Malabarical Cum Synoda Deaipral pp. 428-429 quoted by Placid J. Podipara p.104 [↩]
20. P J Tomy, Rtd Asso. Professor, Kerala Agricultural University, Kerala Coast, the Portuguese contributions (http://www.keralacoastfate.com/portugese.pdf [↩]
21. Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a dark land- bring researches intothe past history and present conditions of the Syrian church of Malabar. 1873, Appendix A [↩]
22. Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a dark land- bring researches into the past history and present conditions of the Syrian church of Malabar. 1873 Appendix H [↩]
23. Historia Ecclesiae malabaricae Romae 1745 p 428 quoted by
    Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a dark land- bring researches intothe past history and present conditions of the Syrian church of Malabar. 1873 [↩]
24. Thomas Whitehouse, Lingerings of Light in a dark land- bring researches intothe past history and present conditions of the Syrian church of Malabar. 1873 Appendix H [↩]
25. The History of Christianity in India, The beginnings to AD 1707, Stephen Neill, University of Cambridge, 1984. [↩]
26. Richard Collins, Missionary enterprise of the east, 1873 [↩]
27. Thomas Yates, Indian Church History or an account of the first planting of the gospel in Syria, Mesopotamia and India with an accurate relation of the first Christian missions in china, London, 1818. [↩]
28. G T Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore(1901) P 1. [↩]
29. George Milne Rae, The Syrian Church of India, , Notes to ch XVI. [↩]
30. Eugene Tisserant, Eastern Christianity in India, P139 [↩]

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